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COSTA RICA'S LEADING ENGLISH LANGUAGE NEWSPAPER

Costa Rica’s National Horse Parade attracts thousands to nation’s capital

More than 3,000 horse riders gathered punctually at noon on Friday to begin the 3-kilometer course of Costa Rica’s National Horse Parade, or Tope Nacional. It began at Plaza Víquez, just south of San José’s central canton. The San José Municipality organizes the parade every year on Dec. 26 to commemorate National Horse Rider Day. It is one of the favorite events held during holiday celebrations in the capital, along with the Festival of Light and the Zapote Festival.

This year’s parade marshal was Claudia Romero, a member of Costa Rica’s National Equestrian Team who on Aug. 28 fell from her horse during a competition in France. The horse died in the accident and Romero spent two weeks in a coma at a French hospital. Visibly moved from being on a horse again after four months, Romero briefly addressed participants at the beginning of the parade.

“I’m so happy to be here. I want people to realize the greatness of God, who allowed me to be here today. Believe it or not, I’m back on and feeling comfortable, and feeling alive again,” she said at the starting line at Plaza Víquez. Romero was accompanied by San José Mayor Sandra García.

Blue jeans, plaid shirts, cowboy hats and boots were the dress code for most of the riders in a parade that offered more than just horses: Water buffaloes, donkeys, mules and even a rooster participated this year. Some businesses took the opportunity to advertise their brands with trucks transporting dancing cowgirls and cowboys who entertained spectators gathered on the sidewalks, particularly along San José’s Second Avenue.

Not everyone was in a festive mood though, as Municipal Police seized merchandise from 50 unregistered vendors. Fifteen of those vendors were caught selling alcohol, which was banned by law this year. However, people improvised, using beverage coolers that also functioned as seats on the sidewalks.

Each rider paid a ₡10,000 ($19) registration fee that goes to the municipality. Half of that revenue will be given to the San José Orphanage, and the other half will fund public projects in the capital’s central canton. Towards the end of the parade, riders who didn’t pay the fee joined the t0pe, making the number of participants greater than what was officially reported.

More photos from Costa Rica’s National Horse Parade:

Why Costa Rica is Banning Fishing in the Gulf of Nicoya for May–July

A fishing ban in the Gulf of Nicoya, effective since May 1st and lasting until July 3rd, protects shrimp, corvina, snapper, and white mullet during their breeding season. Enforced by the Costa Rican Institute of Fisheries and Aquaculture (INCOPESCA), the ban promotes sustainable artisanal, sport, and sport fishing, supporting coastal communities like Chomes and Isla Chira.

“This ban keeps marine resources sustainable for future fishing,” says Nelson Peña, INCOPESCA’s executive president. It helps fish stocks recover, securing catches for about 1,400 fishers next year. Overfishing, warming waters from climate change, and plastic pollution threaten the gulf, making the ban a key defense.

The ban spans from Punta Torres (Peñón), Faro de Isla Negritos, and Punta Cuchillos to the Tempisque River mouth. Barracuda fishing with hand lines is allowed in zones B and C with licenses, and mollusk harvesting is exempt unless red tide, a toxic algal bloom, strikes. Aquaculture products are unaffected.

Since 1985, the ban has aimed to protect spawning, but critics say weak enforcement and mismatched timing for species like corvina limit its impact. INCOPESCA and the Coast Guard patrol with drones, fining illegal fishing, though trawling persists. The ban aligns with the 2025–2030 Fisheries Plan, despite funding and sport fishing gaps.

Licensed fishing operations get ₡145,000 ($230) monthly subsidies from the Instituto Mixto de Ayuda Social (IMAS), but delays frustrate many. These fishing companies contribute by cleaning public spaces, painting schools, restoring mangroves, and patrolling turtle nests, aiding the gulf’s ecosystems. They also train in responsible fishing and fish handling.

INCOPESCA’s radio, social media, and market campaigns push consumers to buy legal seafood. “We’re committed to fishing companies and the gulf,” INCOPESCA says. The ban’s success hinges on enforcement and community support to protect marine life and livelihoods in this vital estuary.

Costa Rica’s May Beetles Vanish, Signaling Ecological Crisis

In Costa Rica, the iconic “May beetles” (abejones de mayo), known scientifically as the Phyllophaga genus, are vanishing at an alarming rate. These beetles, which have long heralded the arrival of the rainy season each May, are now a rare sight, even in rural areas. Biologists at the University of Costa Rica (UCR) estimate a staggering 90–95% decline in their populations over the past four decades, sparking concern about the health of the nation’s ecosystems.

“For many Costa Ricans, spotting abejones buzzing around porch lights marked the start of the rains,” says Andrés Arias, a 27-year-old UCR biologist who recalls their abundance in his childhood home. “Now, they’re a fleeting memory.” This cultural loss, coupled with ecological consequences, has raised a silent alarm across the country.

A Perfect Storm of Threats

The decline of May beetles is driven by rampant urbanization, heavy pesticide use, and climate change. Rapid urban expansion has paved over the green spaces where beetle larvae, known locally as jobotos or jogotos, develop underground, feeding on plant roots. “As cities grow and houses replace fields, the land these larvae need vanishes,” explains UCR biologist Ricardo Murillo.

Costa Rica leads Latin America in agrochemical use per hectare, and pesticides weaken May beetles, impair their reproduction, and disrupt their ability to feed and pollinate. In agricultural areas, where beetles are often seen as pests for feeding on crops like strawberries and potatoes, pesticide overuse has decimated their populations.

Climate change further disrupts the beetles’ life cycle, which relies on the predictable onset of rains. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall, and disrupted seasonal cues throw off their development. In the Área de Conservación Guanacaste (ACG), a UNESCO World Heritage Site, researchers have noted declining insect populations since the 1970s, driven by hotter, drier conditions that burn off cloud forests and reduce biodiversity. “Even protected areas aren’t spared,” says Daniel Janzen, a biologist studying ACG’s ecosystems.

Despite their reputation as agricultural pests, May beetles play vital ecological roles. As adults, they pollinate plants, aiding in fruit and seed production. Their larvae aerate soil, enhancing fertility, and both stages serve as prey for birds, bats, and mammals. Their decline could ripple through food webs, threatening Costa Rica’s biodiversity, which is among the richest in the world.

Globally, insect populations are plummeting, with studies reporting a 45% drop in invertebrate abundance over 35 years. In Costa Rica, May beetles are part of this trend, alongside species like dung beetles and butterflies, all facing habitat loss, pesticides, and climate shifts.

A Call for Help

Saving May beetles requires collective effort. Reducing pesticide use, especially in urban and agricultural areas, is critical. Preserving green spaces, from city parks to rural fields, provides habitat for larvae. Initiatives like ACG’s forest restoration, ongoing since the 1970s, show promise, but broader action is needed. The proposed BioAlfa program aims to engage Costa Ricans in monitoring biodiversity, fostering a culture of conservation.

People can help by turning off outdoor lights at night to prevent disorienting beetles, which are drawn to artificial glow and often die from exhaustion. Gently collecting and releasing beetles into gardens or parks can aid their survival. Pet owners should prevent animals from eating beetles, as they can cause digestive issues.

The decline of May beetles reflects a lack of comprehensive data, with estimates like Murillo’s based on observations rather than nationwide studies. This gap underscores the need for more research. More than seasonal visitors, abejones de mayo are a cultural touchstone and a barometer of environmental health. Their fading presence reminds us of the delicate balance between climate, biodiversity, and human activity. As Arias puts it, “Losing them means losing a piece of who we are—and a warning we can’t ignore.”

El Salvador Denies Gang Pact Amid New Allegations from Barrio 18 Leaders

El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele on Saturday shared images of gang members in a mega-prison to discredit statements made by two leaders of the Quarter 18 gang to the digital newspaper The Lighthouse about an alleged deal that helped him rise to power in 2019. “Bukele made a pact with the gangs,” the president wrote ironically on the social media platform X, alongside a video showing handcuffed gang members entering the maximum-security prison, the Center for Confinement of Terrorism (Cecot), which has a capacity for 40,000 inmates.

A week ago, Carlos Cartagena, alias “Charli,” and another leader identified as Liro Man from the Revolutionary faction of Quarter 18, told The Lighthouse details of the alleged negotiation that helped Bukele attain power. Cartagena told the newspaper that the gangs negotiated through two of Bukele’s associates—who were sanctioned by Washington—for support to help him become elder of San Savior from 2015 to 2018, and then president in 2019.

The interviews follow up on El Faro‘s 2020 investigation, which alleged a deal between Bukele and the gangs to reduce homicides—an accusation Bukele denies. With the caption “the pact,” the video published by Bukele also includes a graphic showing how The Savior went from being the most violent Not-was country in the world to one of the safest in 2024, with 1.9 homicides for100,000 inhabitants.

Liro Man claimed that the contacts were made by Carlos Marroquín, director of the government’s “Social Fabric” program, and Osiris Moon Deputy Minister of Justice and Director General of The Salvador’s Prison System. Both Marroquin and Moon were sanctioned by the United States in 2021 during Joe Biden’s administration, which accused them of participating in covert negotiations with leaders of the MS-13 and Quarter 18 gangs.

El Salvador’s Vice President Félix Ulloa denied in an interview with the French magazine The Great Continent that any “negotiation” with gangs is a government policy under Bukele, calling the incidents “isolated cases.” “In the case of The Savior since 2019, President Bukele has never authorized any kind of negotiation with gangs. Some press reports claim that certain officials have negotiated, but these are isolated actions. This is not a policy, not a government policy,” Ulloa said.

After the interviews were published, El Faro reported that The Salvador’s Attorney General’s Office was preparing to arrest its journalists for publishing them. The Association of Journalists of El Salvador (APES) requested information from the Attorney General’s Office regarding the case. There has been no response.

Living in Costa Rica as an Expat Isn’t Perfect—But It’s Better Than You Think

Anyone who has lived here more than a few months is well aware of the myriad problems present in 21st century Costa Rica: Violent crime (our murder rate per capita is not far behind that of Chicago); Theft (on all levels, from a crackhead stealing a bicycle off your porch to an elected official pocketing funds meant for public use); The high cost of living for this region felt doubly by those in the dollar economy; Declining tourism; And the perception that the divide between the haves and have-nots grows wider with each passing year.

Most of us handle the situation in a similar way: We go about our lives, take the normal precautions, roll with the occasional punches, and strive to embrace the many positives Costa Rica has to offer. But not all of us. There are those who live here unhappily—you can read their comments in online forums, hear them talking loudly over drinks in a bar, the whining refrains of those for whom life in Costa Rica has become like a bad marriage.

They came here full of expectations and found themselves feeling betrayed in one way or another—some allowed themselves to be taken advantage of financially, others fell victims to crime, others had little understanding of the country to begin with and are shocked at the cost of living, or the lack of certain first world amenities, or even the fact that not everyone understands English.

Personally, I have never had these negative vibes toward Costa Rica. You see, before I ever set foot here, I lived for 2 years on the island of St. Croix, in the US Virgin Islands. St. Croix was Costa Rica in microcosm: All of the common complaints heard here—government corruption and indifference, crime, poor policing, high cost of living, locals trashing the beaches and roadsides—were in your face on a daily basis there.

It is an island of about 120 square kilometers. You would see a local politico cruising around the island in a car that cost several times his listed annual salary. Any trip to any beach on the island required bringing a bag to clean up the garbage so you would have a clean place to spread out. Property crime went unreported as the police did little investigating, and there was always the possibility that the criminal was family with somebody on the police force.

Also, the electrical infrastructure was old and poorly maintained, and power outages were common. Most of the expats I knew there complained constantly, but few left. Many of the friends I made were surprised when I announced my intention to depart permanently.

When I relocated to Costa Rica, I felt like St. Croix had set the bar high for what I would tolerate. I had been inoculated there, and nothing I have since experienced in my decades here compares to what I experienced regularly there.

Enough harping on negatives. The rains have returned, the greenery sparkles like emeralds and the view of the mountain ranges against the blue sky is startling in its clarity. Two different old friends from my high school days visited Costa Rica earlier this year and both loved their time here. I liked receiving their positive feedback.

As for the whiners here among us, my advice is to do what I did on St. Croix—leave.

UNHCR Warns Funding Cuts Threaten Refugee Support in Costa Rica

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) warns that a 41% funding cut is jeopardizing support for refugees in Costa Rica, especially Nicaraguans fleeing repression. With over 222,000 asylum claims pending, the country’s asylum system is buckling.

Nicaraguans escape political crackdowns, human rights abuses, and economic collapse, sparked by 2018 protests and worsened by 2021 elections. By March, Costa Rica hosted 194,000 Nicaraguan asylum seekers and 9,216 registered refugees, making up 83% of its refugee population and 4% of its 5.1 million people. These numbers cover over half of displaced Nicaraguans worldwide.

“Nicaragua’s crisis pushes thousands to Costa Rica, a country with a strong asylum tradition,” UNHCR says. But funding shortages have slashed cash aid for food and rent, legal help, and mental health support, especially in border towns like Upala. This leaves asylum seekers vulnerable to poverty and exploitation.

Costa Rica has stepped up, expanding its Refugee Unit in Upala and opening healthcare to asylum seekers, but resources are stretched thin. A 77% drop in registration capacity delays work permits, pushing Nicaraguans, Venezuelans, and others into unstable, informal jobs. Nicaraguan refugees, however, contribute by working in coffee fields and construction, boosting local economies.

UNHCR’s $1.5 billion global pledge for 2025 isn’t enough for Costa Rica, where operations were only 46% funded in 2020. The agency needs $40.4 million to keep programs running through 2025. Without it, vital services like child protection, education, and job training—focused on women, children, and remote areas—face cuts, risking regional instability in Central America.

UNHCR is begging governments and private donors to step up. “Costa Rica’s role as a safe haven is at stake,” the agency warns. As our country fights to maintain its commitment to refugees, the international community must act to keep these lifelines alive.

How Trump’s Tariffs Threaten Costa Rica’s Exports and Jobs

A 10% tariff on imports from Costa Rica, rolled out by the U.S. government in April, could slash the country’s economic growth from 3.6% to 3% in 2025, says the International Center for Economic Policy for Sustainable Development of the National University (CINPE-UNA). This hit stems from Costa Rica’s tight trade ties with the U.S., its top market.

“Costa Rica’s economic future hinges on international trade, the U.S. economy’s performance, and local monetary policy,” the CINPE-UNA report explains. The tariff, part of Donald Trump’s “Liberation Day” policy, targets Costa Rica’s trade deficit with the U.S. A 90-day pause on steeper rates gives Costa Rica time to negotiate, but uncertainty is already chilling business and investment decisions.

Costa Rica sends 48% of its exports to North America, with 44.5% landing in the U.S. Exports to the U.S. grew 7.6% annually over the past 13 years, surging 22.7% in 2023 to $8,141.5 million. The trade deficit—Costa Rica imports more than it exports—prompted the 10% tariff, though it’s milder than rates on countries like China, which face 34%.

The tariff will sting key sectors. Free trade zones, especially medium-tech manufacturing like medical devices, face heavy losses. In the definitive regime, agricultural exports like pineapple, banana, coffee, and cassava will take a hit. These sectors drive jobs and growth, and the tariff could also deter foreign investment in free trade zones, where firms count on easy U.S. market access.

Marco Otoya, CINPE director, notes that U.S. trade policies are dragging Latin America’s growth to 2.5%, with Central America above 3% but slipping. Higher U.S. consumer prices for Costa Rican coffee and pineapples could curb demand, squeezing exporters further. Neighbors like Guatemala and El Salvador brace for similar trade disruptions.

Costa Rica’s Foreign Trade Ministry is negotiating with U.S. officials, banking on the CAFTA-DR free trade agreement to win exemptions. With tariff talks ongoing, Costa Rica fights to protect its economic edge, but the shadow of the tariff looms large over our country’s future.

Costa Rica Faces Backlash Over Migrant Detentions and Rights Abuses

Costa Rica violated the rights of over 200 migrants deported by the United States—including 81 children—according to a report by the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL), the Jesuit Migrant Service (SJM-CR), and the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC). A lawsuit filed before the U.N. claims the detentions risked long-term harm to minors.

The report, based on visits and victim interviews, details how Costa Rica agreed to act as a “bridge” under a U.S.-funded deal, supervised by the IOM, to hold migrants from Russia, Armenia, Afghanistan, Yemen, the Republic of Congo, and other nations. Instead, they faced illegal detentions lasting over 60 days, no information in their languages, and no asylum assessments. “This cannot happen again,” the organizations warned, demanding no similar agreements and better care, work permits, and protection for those affected.

Expelled from the U.S., the migrants were sent to the Temporary Attention Center for Migrants (CATEM) in Paso Canoas near Panama. They faced harsh conditions, including extreme heat, poor food, and children sleeping on cardboard. Documents were withheld, and police escorts restricted movement. “In Costa Rica, they locked us up without explanation,” said an Armenian migrant who requested anonymity. An Iranian woman told advocates she fled persecution for her Christian faith but was denied a U.S. asylum hearing.

An Afghan father shared his fear of returning home, saying, “The Taliban would kill my family if we go back, but we had no chance to explain.” Such stories highlight the diverse dangers migrants faced, yet they received no psychological support or refuge evaluations. Some were pushed toward the IOM’s Assisted Voluntary Return program despite risks, violating non-refoulement principles.

Costa Rica’s actions mirror issues in Panama and El Salvador, where U.S.-deported migrants also face detention. The U.S. has expanded such deals across Central America, affecting thousands seeking safety. On April 21, President Rodrigo Chaves’ government granted temporary humanitarian status to all CATEM detainees, allowing free movement. But the three-month permits offer no work rights, leaving many in limbo. The government defended its role, claiming it followed international protocols, though advocates disagree.

“The measure is late and doesn’t fix the damage,” said Ana Patricia Argüello of SJM-CR. “Many fear persecution if they return home but can’t stay here.” Costa Rica hosts 300,000 migrants (7% of its population), but its asylum system is overwhelmed, handling 70,000 applications in 2024. “If a country like Costa Rica, known for welcoming migrants, fails, what hope is there for others?” asked Laura Garcia of AFSC.

Costa Rica’s Economic Growth Slows as Tourism and Agriculture Struggle

Costa Rica’s economic growth rate slowed to 3.9% in the first quarter of 2025, down from 4.6% during the same period last year, according to new figures released by the Central Bank of Costa Rica (BCCR). The drop is largely attributed to setbacks in two major sectors: agriculture and hospitality. Agricultural production, which had posted a 4.7% increase in early 2024, contracted by 4.3% this year.

The decline is tied to unseasonably heavy rains at the end of 2024 and the beginning of 2025, which damaged short-cycle crops including onions, potatoes, vegetables, and tubers. The hotel and restaurant sector—second only to business services in growth last year—also stalled. After expanding by 7.2% in the first quarter of 2024, the sector recorded just 0.1% growth in 2025.

Tourism numbers reflect the slowdown. Data from the Costa Rican Tourism Institute (ICT) shows 850,329 tourists arrived by air between January and March 2025, compared to 884,264 during the same period in 2024. Foreign exchange earnings from tourism dropped by $60 million year-over-year in the first quarter.

Several factors are contributing to the downturn. The appreciation of the Costa Rican colón—now around ₡500 to the U.S. dollar, compared to ₡700 in mid-2022—has made the country more expensive for international travelers. The tourism industry is also contending with safety concerns following a U.S. Embassy travel advisory in late 2024 that cited rising crime rates, particularly in areas near Juan Santamaría International Airport. Additionally, U.S. airline seat capacity to Costa Rica fell by 10% in early 2025, further restricting access for North American visitors.

Flora Ayub, executive director of the Costa Rican Chamber of Hotels, said the situation is putting immense pressure on businesses. “There are many contributing factors,” Ayub said. “For both Costa Ricans and foreigners, it has become very expensive to travel to and explore Costa Rica.” Mauricio Rodríguez, president of the Costa Rican Chamber of Restaurants (CACORE), described the first quarter of the year as “quite slow” in terms of both customer traffic and revenue. He said the exchange rate is a key issue.

“Restaurants are paying rent in U.S. dollars but earning in colones. That imbalance is forcing consumers to tighten their spending and prioritize other expenses,” Rodríguez said. Despite the mounting challenges, no coordinated government strategy has been announced to support either sector. Tourism accounts for roughly 8.2% of Costa Rica’s GDP and 8.8% of employment. The slowdown is especially concerning for rural regions such as Guanacaste, Limón, and Monteverde, where tourism remains a primary economic driver.

Costa Rica’s 1710 Danish Shipwreck Redefines Slave Trade Narrative

An expedition of marine archaeologists from Denmark has unraveled the mystery surrounding two shipwrecks lying in the shallow waters of Cahuita National Park, on the Caribbean coast of Costa Rica. For nearly two centuries, local fishermen, who first settled in the area in 1826, believed the wrecks were pirate ships.

However, a 2015 discovery of distinctive yellow bricks by U.S. archaeologists from East Carolina University sparked new questions, leading to the revelation that these are the remains of Danish vessels involved in the transatlantic slave trade. The ships, Fridericus Quartus and Christianus Quintus, were part of Denmark’s participation in the trade, which spanned from the 1660s to the early 1800s. During this period, over 120,000 Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic under brutal conditions.

Loaded with cloth, metal goods, and weapons for trade, the vessels departed Copenhagen in December 1708, bound for the Danish colony of St. Thomas (now part of the U.S. Virgin Islands) via West Africa. According to the National Museum of Denmark and the Viking Ship Museum, the ships never reached their destination.

During an extensive underwater excavation in 2023, conducted in collaboration with the University of Costa Rica and Costa Rica’s National System of Conservation Areas (SINAC), marine archaeologists recovered fragments of wood, yellow bricks, and Dutch-made clay pipes. Scientific analysis at the University of Southern Denmark determined that the materials correspond to 18th-century European ships, supporting historical records of shipwrecks in the region.

The timber originated from an oak tree felled between 1690 and 1695 in the western Baltic Sea, a region encompassing Denmark, northeastern Germany, and southern Sweden. The yellow bricks match those produced in Flensburg, then a Danish city known for its brick manufacturing. David Gregory, a marine archaeologist at the National Museum of Denmark, noted, “The charred wood and Danish cargo confirm these are the Fridericus Quartus and Christianus Quintus, lost in 1710.”

Investigators revealed that, after a voyage lasting several months, the ships ran out of provisions, exacerbating the suffering of the enslaved Africans onboard. Navigational errors led the vessels over 2,000 kilometers off course. In a state of desperation, the crew and enslaved Africans mutinied in 1710. One vessel was consumed by fire, while the other sank after its anchor was cut.

Of the approximately 650–690 enslaved people who survived, many reached the shores of Costa Rica. Some were recaptured and sent to cacao plantations in Matina, while others escaped and integrated into local communities, contributing to the vibrant Afro-Costa Rican heritage today.

SINAC plans to incorporate these findings into educational programs at Cahuita National Park, ensuring that this significant chapter of history resonates with future generations. The wrecks, restricted to non-invasive tours, remain a protected testament to Costa Rica’s complex colonial past.

A pope for the ages: Is Leo XIV a young pontiff?

At 69 Leo XIV was elected pope at a significantly younger age than his two immediate predecessors, Francis and Benedict XVI — something observers, including his own brother, believe will bring fresh dynamism to the Holy See. Sure enough, the Chicago-born pontiff né Robert Francis Prevost is said to be a baseball fan that enjoys playing a competitive game of tennis. 

Yet, all is relative in the Catholic Church’s almost 2,000-year history, which features teenage popes as well as many recent younger spiritual leaders.  “He is young to be a pope I think, and he is active, so he will be here and there and moving around,” Prevost’s older brother John told US broadcaster CBS of his sibling. 

Born in 1955, at election Leo XIV is seven years younger than Francis, nine years younger than Benedict XVI and a whopping 18 years greener than the oldest man ever chosen to head the Vatican.  Gregory VIII was 87 when he was anointed pope, according to “Behind Locked Doors” a chronicle of papal elections by historian Frederic Baumgartner. 

Alas, seen as conciliatory towards the tempestuous Holy Roman Emperor Barbarossa, Gregory died after only two months in the job.  The youngest ever pope didn’t fare a whole lot better — and his youth was partially to blame.  Elected at only 18 in 955, John XII was in charge for nine years, a relatively short reign considering that, with few exceptions, pontiffs stay in office for life.

“He died in 964, allegedly worn out by debauchery and excess,” Baumgartner writes.  According to an analysis, the average age of the 14 pontiffs elected in the past two centuries, starting with Gregory XVI, is 66.8 — which makes Leo XIV comparatively old. The youngest was Pius IX, who was 54 at election, followed by John Paul II, born Karol Wojtyla, who was appointed aged 58.

With life expectancy going up across the globe, nine worked into their 80s and one into his 90s. Incidentally, that was the man whose pontificate is understood to have inspired Prevost’s papal name choice.  Gioacchino Pecci aka Leo XIII died aged 93 after a 25-year stint in office — one of the longest in recent times.