No menu items!

COSTA RICA'S LEADING ENGLISH LANGUAGE NEWSPAPER

35 Years of Change: An Expat’s Nostalgic Look at Costa Rica’s Past

A relative newcomer to Costa Rica recently asked me what changes I had witnessed over the past 35 years of living here. I said something about how the number of vehicles on the road had probably tripled, while the population has nearly doubled. The cost of living was up—but isn’t that the case everywhere?

Later, I jotted down a list of changes I’ve seen in Costa Rica while reminiscing about those long-gone days of the 1990s:

1. Copy Centers

Once a vital part of any librería, copy centers were always bustling. Students copied borrowed textbooks, teachers duplicated tests, and long lines snaked toward tired attendants hunched over xerox machines. I even knew a massage therapist hired to treat copy staff after 50-hour workweeks. Now? Nearly extinct.

2. Lada Nivas

These boxy, Russian-made 4x4s were everywhere. “Lada” was just one letter away from lata—tin can—and niva jokingly translated to “doesn’t go.” But they were affordable and dependable enough for rural roads.

3. Movie Theaters

There were two in my town. One’s now a farmacia, the other an Importadora Monge. Streaming has claimed another victim.

4. Machete Chapeo

The gentle rhythm of a blade cutting grass is now drowned out by the shrill whine of weed-whackers. More efficient, sure—but far less pleasant.

5. Cédula Books

My first cédula was a ragged little booklet with my photo glued in and information written by hand. Today’s version? A sleek, laminated ID with everything digitized.

6. Timbres (Tax Stamps)

Government transactions often required these low-cost tax stamps. Getting them meant a trek across town. I’m not sure if they’re still required, but I hope not.

7. Un-airconditioned Banks

Before the 2000s, banks had long lines and minimal seating. Fans lazily swirled warm air, and only the elderly or disabled got to sit. Now, modern bank branches blast A/C.

8. Fake Cell Phones

In the early days of cellular service, some status-conscious Ticos carried fake phones. At some venues, phones had to be checked at the door—many turned out to be non-functional props.

9. Human Blockades

Protesters would physically block highways to protest government actions. Though now technically illegal, the practice still happens—depending on public sentiment.

10. Newspaper Peddlers

Corner news vendors with wagons full of papers are disappearing. So are many of the newspapers and magazines they once sold.

11. Single Cigarette Sales

You could once buy just one cigarette from the news guy. That disappeared along with the nationwide indoor smoking bans.

12. Store Packers

In hardware stores, a separate employee packed and sealed your purchase. You’d buy the item, get a receipt, and hand it to the packer, who’d wrap everything with care.

13. Unpaved Roads

Many primary roads were gravel nightmares. What now takes 30 minutes once took two hours. It’s not perfect today—but it’s better.

14. Small Banknotes

I remember using a ₡10 note. The ₡10,000 bill didn’t exist until 1998. Back then, paying cash meant carrying around a thick manila envelope. Now, it’s mostly plastic (credit cards).

15. Bars Closed on Election Day

In the past, the law closed all bars on Election Sunday and during Holy Week’s Thursday and Friday. These days, it’s up to each canton. Many urban areas stay open.

16. Rural Hitching Posts

Some towns had posts to tie up horses downtown. On recent visits, those are gone. And then there are changes familiar everywhere: No more clunky tube TVs, no payphones, no video rental shops, and hardly any internet cafés.

Despite it all, many aspects of Costa Rica remain unchanged. Volcanoes still erupt, temblores shake the ground, and storms still light up the night sky. And every week, the ferias, Sunday church services, and fútbol games on the cancha continue, reminding us that some things endure.

Costa Rica Orders Halt to Illegal Building in Protected Forest

The Osa Environmental Prosecutor’s Office has received a court order to stop a residential construction project in the Paso la Danta Biological Corridor in Portalón de Savegre, Quepos, after it was found to be illegally built within a protected forest. The ruling requires the responsible company to dismantle structures near a creek, restore affected water bodies and forest areas, and implement measures to prevent landslides.

A joint inspection by the National Environmental Technical Secretariat (SETENA) and the Public Prosecutor’s Office confirmed that the construction site is within a forested area, where Costa Rica’s environmental laws prohibit development. The company allegedly submitted documentation that falsely claimed the land was suitable for construction and not part of a forest, leading SETENA to initially grant approval. Following the inspection, SETENA revoked the permit, and the court intervened to halt the project.

The case is under investigation for alleged environmental crimes, including land use change, illegal logging, illegal use of forest resources, water theft, destruction of vegetation in a protected area, logging in a protected area, invasion of a protected area, and document forgery. These charges reflect violations of Costa Rica’s Forestry Law (No. 7575) and Water Law (No. 276), which carry significant penalties.

The Paso la Danta Biological Corridor, established in 2000 by the Asociación Amigos de la Naturaleza del Pacífico Central y Sur (ASANA), spans 82,128.17 hectares across the areas of Aguirre, Osa, Pérez Zeledón, and Dota. Stretching between the Savegre and Terraba Rivers, it connects vital ecosystems, supporting biodiversity and species like the tapir, jaguar, and puma. Costa Rica’s Constitution (Article 50) and environmental laws protect such areas to ensure ecological balance.

The court’s action follows a similar case in Dominical de Osa, where a culvert over water bodies was ordered removed due to environmental damage. While unrelated, these cases highlight increased scrutiny of development in protected zones. Local environmental groups have expressed support for the prosecutor’s efforts, emphasizing the corridor’s role in preserving Quepos’s natural heritage and Costa Rica’s global conservation reputation. The investigation continues, with authorities urging residents to report suspicious activities in protected areas.

Costa Rica’s Record Meth Bust in Tibás Raises Concerns

Costa Rican authorities seized 48 kilograms of crystal methamphetamine in Tibás, marking our country’s largest synthetic drug seizure. The operation, conducted by the Drug Control Police (PCD), Judicial Investigation Agency (OIJ), and U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), resulted in the arrest of three suspects. The drugs, hidden inside smuggled cigarette boxes, were intended for distribution in local markets, signaling a rise in methamphetamine use in San José and tourist areas.

The raid, carried out in downtown Tibás with support from the PCD’s Special Support Unit, uncovered the drugs after a tip led investigators to a storage site. The PCD confirmed the methamphetamine, likely smuggled from Mexico through the northern border, was destined for domestic consumption, reflecting Costa Rica’s growing role as a drug market rather than just a transit point. The seizure, valued at millions of colones, underscores the increasing presence of synthetic drugs in the country, prompting authorities to call for enhanced border security measures.

Crystal methamphetamine, commonly known as “crystal,” is gaining popularity in San José’s La California nightlife district and tourist destinations such as Tamarindo in Guanacaste and Manuel Antonio in Puntarenas. The PCD reports that the drug, with a 0.5-gram dose selling for approximately ¢18,000 ($35), is primarily used by young and wealthier individuals. Its effects, including increased heart rate and a high risk of addiction, have raised concerns among officials. To address the issue, police have increased patrols and surveillance in these high-risk areas, aiming to disrupt distribution networks.

The Tibás seizure is part of a broader trend of drug enforcement actions this year, including the confiscation of 7 tons of cocaine and 34,000 fentanyl pills in San José in February. The OIJ notes that over 900 homicides in 2023 alone were linked to drug trafficking, with local gangs increasingly connected to foreign cartels. The government, supported by U.S. agencies, is pursuing security reforms to combat the drug trade, though legislative delays have slowed progress.

The OIJ encourages residents to report suspicious activity to its hotline, 800-800-0645, and to educate youth about the dangers of drug use. OIJ director Randall Zúñiga has emphasized the need for community cooperation to address crime effectively. Police advise residents and visitors to exercise caution in nightlife and tourist areas as efforts continue to curb drug distribution.

Costa Rica Catholics Support Conclave Despite No Voting Cardinal

Black smoke rose from the Sistine Chapel’s chimney this evening, signaling that the 133 cardinals in the 2025 conclave have not yet elected a new pope to succeed Pope Francis, who died on April 21. In Costa Rica, Catholics gathered in parishes for Masses and prayers to support the cardinals’ discernment, mirroring our country’s strong Catholic tradition despite lacking a voting representative in the conclave.

Costa Rica has no cardinal eligible to participate in the conclave. Our country’s only cardinal, José Luis Lacunza Maestrojuán, appointed in 2015, is 81 and exceeds the Vatican’s age limit of 80 for electors. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Costa Rica (CECOR) encouraged Catholics to pray for the conclave, with parishes in San José, Cartago, and other dioceses holding services to mark the occasion. CECOR, led by Archbishop José Rafael Quirós Quirós of San José, has historically emphasized social justice and environmental stewardship, issues relevant to the global Church’s discussions during the conclave.

The conclave, held in the Sistine Chapel, involves cardinals from 65 countries and requires a two-thirds majority (89 votes) to elect the next pope. Costa Rica’s lack of a voting cardinal reflects the concentration of electors in larger nations, with Italy (17), the United States (10), and Brazil (7) having the most. Of the 133 electors, 108 were appointed by Pope Francis, shaping the conclave’s focus on his legacy of inclusivity and reform.

Costa Rican Catholics, while not directly involved, are engaged through prayer and reflection. Parishes across our country, from urban centers to rural communities, organized evening Masses to coincide with the conclave’s first day. The absence of a Costa Rican elector does not diminish our nation’s commitment to the universal Church, as CECOR continues to advocate for regional concerns like poverty and climate change, which align with broader themes in the conclave.

The conclave is expected to continue for several days, with voting rounds held twice daily until a pope is chosen, announced by white smoke. Costa Rica’s faithful remain attentive, praying for a leader to guide the world’s 1.4 billion Catholics. The new pope’s election will influence the Church’s direction, including in Costa Rica, where Catholicism shapes much of daily life.

Latin America Reacts to Trump’s 100% Tariff Threat on Foreign-Made Movies

“We want movies made in the United States again!” declared President Donald Trump, as he announced a 100% tariff on films produced abroad. Without providing details on the measure, Latin America watches cautiously and with uncertainty about its potential impact. Trump’s wave of tariffs on all trade partners has already stirred unease in global markets. Now, his latest move touches the entertainment industry, as on Sunday he sought to rein in Hollywood and penalize feature films made outside the United States.

“There are procedural issues that are unclear because, for example, what we know is that tariffs apply only to goods, not services. And in reality, audiovisual production is a service,” said award-winning Argentine producer Axel Kuschevatzky in an interview. He emphasized the need to “first understand whether the measures will move forward” and “what their scope would be.”

“We’re still in an earlier phase,” said Kuschevatzky, who was part of the production team for the last three Argentine films nominated for the Oscar in the international category: The Secret in Their Eyes (winner), Wild Tales, and Argentina, 1985. Brazil won in that category this year with Still Here, a film about the country’s last military dictatorship (1964–1985), a national point of pride that spread across the region and even reached U.S. box offices.

From South America’s largest country, Marianna Souza, president of the Brazilian Association of Audiovisual Production Companies, expressed further uncertainty. “We don’t know whether this tax would apply only to films shown in movie theaters, or if it would also apply to productions shown on streaming platforms,” Souza said.

Cheaper in Latin America

“It’s also unclear whether the measure would apply to productions made by American producers but filmed in other countries,” Souza added. Colombia, for example, has become an attractive destination for international film production thanks to laws that promote audiovisual activity.

Another unanswered question is whether the measure will also cover soap operas and TV series. Netflix adapted Gabriel García Márquez’s famed novel One Hundred Years of Solitude for television, which won the Platino Award for Best TV Series in late April. It represents just the tip of the iceberg of Colombian productions featured in the streaming service’s vast catalog.

“Netflix, Amazon, HBO, and all these platforms are increasingly making movies and series in Colombia because it’s cheaper than doing so in the U.S. That’s where there will be an impact,” explained Gustavo Suárez, a film professor at the University of Valle. “Between 60% and 70%” of film production and execution in Colombia “is driven by those international services,” he noted.

When American filmmakers travel to smaller countries in the region—like Guatemala—they have an even more noticeable impact on the local labor market. If the tariffs do go into effect, “U.S. productions won’t come here anymore, and we’ll have fewer jobs for Guatemalans, because we don’t produce that many national films,” warns Pamela Guinea, one of Guatemala’s leading film producers.

Mexico, one of Latin America’s audiovisual powerhouses, has remained silent. Neither the private film industry chamber (CANACINE) nor the Mexican Film Institute (IMCINE) has issued a statement. “It’s still too early” to comment, a source in the industry said.

A Complex Definition

For Kuschevatzky, the very definition of movies “made in the United States,” which Trump wants to protect, is multi-faceted. “Is it about funding? About who holds the intellectual property rights? About where it’s filmed? It’s a complex definition,” he said.

After Trump asked the Department of Commerce to “immediately” begin the process of applying a 100% tariff on any movie “produced abroad,” Secretary Howard Lutnick responded: “We’re on it.” This announcement triggered a drop in the stock prices of studios such as Netflix, Disney, and Paramount.

U.S. Embassy in Honduras Issues Urgent Alert Over Mass Shooting Threats

The United States Embassy in Honduras issued a security alert warning of potential mass shooting threats targeting three locations in the capital, Tegucigalpa. The alert, based on information reportedly received from the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), identified Elliot Dover Christian School, the Government Civic Center (Centro Cívico Gubernamental), and an unnamed shopping mall as possible targets. The threats were said to be planned for yesterday (thankfully nothing happened) and this May 16th, prompting heightened security measures across the city.

Honduran police have responded quickly, implementing special surveillance operations, including vehicle checks and increased patrols at the specified locations. Police spokesperson Miguel Martínez Madrid confirmed that no incidents had been reported as of Tuesday evening, but authorities remain vigilant. Juan Manuel Godoy, director of the Honduran National Police, emphasized the seriousness of the alert, noting that it indicates a credible risk requiring immediate action.

The Honduran government, through Foreign Minister Enrique Reina, expressed concern over the potential for the threats to sow fear, particularly in an election year. Honduras is scheduled to hold general elections in November and Reina suggested the timing of the threats could be an attempt to destabilize public confidence. Authorities are investigating the credibility of the information, with Reina stating that it is being handled responsibly to ensure public safety.

The U.S. Embassy advised American citizens to avoid the named locations and instructed its personnel to do the same. Spanish-language outlets, such as Radio América and Última Hora, echoed the embassy’s warning, urging residents to exercise caution. Social media posts also noted the alert, with some accounts emphasizing the need for heightened awareness in Tegucigalpa.

While no specific details about the source of the threats have been disclosed, the embassy’s cooperation with Honduran police stresses the gravity of the situation. The lack of reported incidents so far offers some reassurance, but the reinforced security measures reflect ongoing concerns about violent crime in Honduras, a persistent challenge in the country.

Poás Volcano Crater Glows Red as Eruptions Persist

Poás Volcano’s crater is emitting a red glow, identified by the Volcanological and Seismological Observatory of Costa Rica (OVSICORI-UNA) as burning sulfur, amid ongoing eruptions. Yesterday, eruptions ejected incandescent material, following an earlier eruption with a 3.5-kilometer ash plume. A Facebook video to be added with this report shows the glow and ash clouds from recent activity.

OVSICORI volcanologist Geoffroy Avard explained that sulfur dioxide and hydrogen sulfide gases, released from magma, form solid sulfur deposits. At 160°C, these deposits ignite, producing the visible glow through an exothermic reaction that releases heat and light. The same gases fuel eruptions, with sulfur dioxide emissions ranging from 600 to 5,000 tons per day since March. Webcams have captured the glow, prompting public curiosity, with OVSICORI confirming it is not lava but a chemical process tied to the volcano’s sulfur-rich system.

Eruptions yesterday marked the latest in a series of events, following significant activity, when ash reached 4.5 kilometers, spreading to Grecia, Alajuela, Heredia, and San José. The eruption in late April dispersed ash westward, driven by high winds. OVSICORI reported over 200 high-frequency earthquakes in March and persistent seismic tremors, signaling ongoing volcanic unrest. Avard noted that gas and ash emissions escalate rapidly, reflecting the volcano’s unpredictable nature.

The National Emergency Commission (CNE) issued a Red Alert for Poás Volcano National Park, closing it since March 26. Grecia and Sarchí are under orange alert, while Alajuela, Poás, and Zarcero face yellow alert due to ashfall and risks of lahars—mudflows triggered by rain mixing with ash. Health officials recommend N95 masks to address respiratory issues, eye irritation, and allergies caused by ash and toxic gases.

Ashfall and acid rain have damaged coffee crops and pastures in Grecia and Sarchí, disrupting local agriculture. Tourism in Poás and Poasito has declined 40–67%, impacting businesses dependent on park visitors. The CNE warns of lahar risks along rivers like Desagüe and Agrio, advising residents to avoid waterways. OVSICORI and CNE urge monitoring official updates and avoiding restricted zones to ensure safety.

Thousands March in Panama to Oppose U.S. Troop Deal and Copper Mine Project

Thousands of students and workers marched on Tuesday in Panama City to protest against an increased U.S. military presence near the interoceanic canal, the potential reopening of an open-pit mine, and recent reforms to the social security system. Students, teachers, laborers, healthcare workers, and environmentalists voiced opposition to an agreement signed last March between the right-wing government of José Raúl Mulino and the United States, which allows the deployment of U.S. troops in areas adjacent to the Panama Canal.

The United States dismantled its military bases in Panama when it handed over control of the waterway to the Panamanian people on December 31, 1999, in accordance with treaties signed in 1977. “Since Mulino took office [in July 2024], everything has gone to hell,” said 27-year-old university student Isaac Alba.

Protesters are also demanding that Mulino abandon his attempt to reopen a Canadian-owned open-pit copper mine that was halted by the courts in 2023, as well as plans for a dam on a river to provide more water to the canal — a project that would require relocating hundreds of rural families.

“The people are joining the fight in a united effort” to repeal the law that reformed Social Security in March and to reject the agreement “with the gringos,” said Saúl Méndez, leader of the construction workers’ union Suntracs. The agreement with Washington was signed amid tensions following threats by U.S. President Donald Trump to take back control of the Panama Canal, arguing that it was under Chinese influence.

“The reopening of the mine and the dam project on the Indio River must also be suspended,” Méndez added. On Monday, Mulino stated that the country “does not grow through strikes” and that he would “bear all the political cost” of the discontent among many Panamanians. “I will continue to tackle sensitive issues that need to be addressed in this country,” he added.

The protests and partial strikes began three weeks ago but gained massive momentum this Tuesday with the participation of new groups, including healthcare professionals. Although the recent Social Security reform did not raise the retirement age, as Mulino had initially proposed, unions argue that it puts workers’ pensions at risk.

How Exchange Rate Changes Affect Costa Rica’s Tourism

As we all are aware Costa Rica’s rainforests and beaches draw countless visitors each year, but the strengthening colón now raises costs for dollar-paying tourists. Recently, the dollar exchange rate stood at ₡499.80, down from ₡535.02 in June 2024, giving travelers to our country fewer colones per dollar. This increases prices for hotels, guided tours, and meals, straining vacation budgets.

Analysts forecast fluctuations through 2025, with rates likely holding steady or rising to ₡540, driven by fewer tourists, export challenges, and US trade policies, requiring travelers to plan carefully.

Since mid-2022, when the dollar reached ₡680, the colón has gained value, hitting ₡499 by April 2025, a 25% drop in dollar purchasing power. A ₡25,000 surf lesson at local schools, which cost $36.76 then, now gets $50.02. A slight rate increase from ₡500 to ₡511 between March and April offered minimal relief, but the colón’s strength, fueled by earlier tourism and investment inflows, keeps expenses high.

A 15% decline in visitors during the 2024-2025 peak season, alongside US tariffs introduced in March 2025, reduced dollar availability, pushing the rate higher. Last November, holiday crowds and local colón demand lowered it to ₡505.41, but travelers face ongoing uncertainty.

Analysts provide varied predictions affecting trip planning. Some expect a stable ₡510 to ₡520 range through 2025, keeping costs consistent, though September and October could see higher rates as businesses buy dollars for holiday inventories. Others anticipate ₡515 to ₡540, or up to ₡545, easing expenses for dollar-holders.

An expert attributes recent changes to global pressures, including US tariffs adding a 10% levy on Costa Rican exports, but predicts stabilization at ₡520 to ₡530 by year-end, offering travelers some degree of clarity at least.

The stronger colón impacts tourists directly. A plate of gallo pinto at local sodas, typically ₡1,999 to ₡3,499 ($4-$7 at ₡499.80), once cost $2.94-$5.15 at ₡680, now hitting up to $7 for budget-conscious visitors. Hotels and operators using dollars often maintain prices, but local businesses charging in colones demand more when converted.

With a 15% drop in tourist numbers, the industry earns less, reducing discounts and special offers, leaving fewer deals for travelers. Imported souvenirs or foreign dishes provide no savings, as their prices align with dollars, not local import advantages.

The central bank focuses on low inflation, down sharply since 2023, using high interest rates to stabilize the economy, which strengthens the colón and keeps travel costs elevated for foreigners. US trade policies and the tourism decline create risks, potentially cutting available tours or services if operators scale back.

Travelers can save by booking in quieter yet wetter months like September, when demand dips, or choosing family-run lodges and restaurants less tied to dollar pricing. With the exchange rate reshaping Costa Rica’s tourism industry, visitors need strategic budgeting to enjoy visiting our country without going broke.

Costa Rica President’s State of Nation Address Sparks Controversy

Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves delivered his third State of the Nation Address to the Legislative Assembly, employing an unconventional approach that blended multimedia presentations with sharp criticism of public institutions and political opponents. The speech, which outlined achievements in security, education, employment, and economic growth, drew polarized reactions, with supporters praising its boldness and critics decrying its omissions and confrontational tone.

Chaves used videos to highlight his administration’s accomplishments, claiming Costa Rica is advancing in critical areas. He emphasized a drop in unemployment to 6.6% and 7% during the moving quarters of July–September and August–November 2024, alongside the arrival of 2.9 million tourists in 2024. He also underscored progress in neglected coastal regions, framing his government as one that “delivers, builds, doesn’t steal, and doesn’t slacken.” However, international tourist arrivals remain below pre-pandemic levels, with a decline since September 2024, a point Chaves did not address.

The president’s 13-page security report touted measures like Operation Sovereignty, which scans all containers at Moín port, and a historic police wage increase in July 2024. Yet, it omitted the record-high homicide rates of 907 in 2023 and 879 in 2024, translating to 17.2 per 100,000 residents. Critics, including opposition lawmakers, highlighted this discrepancy, noting that 41.8% of Costa Ricans in a 2024 survey viewed insecurity as the nation’s top issue, up from 13.3% in 2022.

Education and healthcare received minimal attention. Chaves briefly mentioned cultural initiatives but sidestepped the educational crisis, marked by deficient math and reading comprehension skills in national assessments and chronic underfunding. In healthcare, he glossed over the social security system’s backlog, with 190,076 individuals awaiting surgery as of 2025, facing average wait times of over a year.

Chaves’ rhetoric targeted perceived elites and institutions, accusing them of obstructing progress. He claimed his policies have shifted protests from “the poor” to “the rich,” describing opponents as a privileged “old political caste” unsettled by his reforms. This drew sharp rebuke from Rodrigo Arias, President of the Legislative Assembly, who criticized Chaves for attacking independent institutions, the media, and civil society. Arias argued that the president’s tone undermines governance, pointing to a disconnect between Chaves’ optimistic narrative and the country’s challenges.

Opposition lawmakers disrupted the address with protest signs focusing on gender-based violence, a pressing issue in 2025. Signs read, “Shame on leading the most violent year for women,” and “Women’s lives matter. No more violence!” These reflected public frustration over rising femicides and violence against women, which Chaves did not directly address.

Social media posts echoed the polarized sentiment. One user described Chaves’ tone as “defiant” and lacking self-criticism, while another criticized the administration’s failure to address security, education, and healthcare crises effectively.

Chaves’ address also referenced controversial prison reforms, inspired by El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele, including plans for a new 5,000-inmate facility and restrictions on inmate visits. These measures, announced days before the speech, have sparked hunger strikes and protests, with critics warning of human rights violations.

Chaves’ speech highlighted his style of leadership, mixing bold claims with selective facts. Supporters see him challenging old elites, but critics say he ignores key problems like violence, education, and healthcare, widening rifts before next years elections.