President Laura Fernández Delgado opened her administration by sending a clear message to the Legislative Assembly: the first major fights of her government will center on infrastructure, state reform, and mining.
Shortly after taking office, Fernández signed a decree calling bills to extraordinary sessions of Congress, giving her administration control over the legislative agenda during the first stretch of her presidency. In Costa Rica, the extraordinary session period runs from May 1 to July 31, and during that window the Executive Branch decides which bills lawmakers may discuss.
The first package includes proposals tied to the construction of the Limón Marina, the Ciudad Gobierno project, and open-pit mining in Crucitas, in northern Costa Rica. Fernández framed the move as a revival of projects that stalled during the previous administration, saying the bills had been blocked by “political pettiness.”
The decision places some of the most contested proposals from the Rodrigo Chaves era back at the center of national debate. Fernández, who campaigned as Chaves’ political successor, took office Friday as Costa Rica’s second female president, while Chaves remained in the new government as both Minister of the Presidency and Minister of Finance.
The Limón Marina and Ciudad Gobierno proposals have already faced serious legal obstacles. In 2024, the Constitutional Chamber declared unconstitutional key reforms in the second version of the Ley Jaguar that were intended to support Ciudad Gobierno and the Limón marina and cruise terminal. The court found problems tied to public procurement rules and the limits of government contracting without ordinary bidding procedures.
Ciudad Gobierno has also been questioned by the Comptroller General’s Office. The CGR warned that the government could not use Article 67 of the General Public Procurement Law to directly contract the design and construction of public works through the Central American Bank for Economic Integration. The office said the project should follow ordinary contracting procedures and transparency rules.
The Comptroller later upheld that position, saying the rule did not allow direct assignment of custom public works, construction on public land under that model, or the later transfer of the buildings to the state. The CGR also said financial leasing would count as public debt.
The Crucitas proposal is likely to generate its own political fight. The bill seeks to regulate exploration and exploitation of open-pit metallic mining in Cutris de San Carlos and would partially reform the Mining Code. The initiative would allow the Ministry of Environment and Energy to grant concessions through public auctions.
Fernández used her first speech to present her government as a continuation of the political movement that brought Chaves to power, but also as an administration that intends to move faster. She promised a government focused on results, accountability, and policies that reject corruption, clientelism, and political favoritism.
Her early legislative agenda shows where that promise will be tested first. The marina project would be pitched as an economic boost for Limón and the Caribbean coast. Ciudad Gobierno would seek to reorganize government offices and reduce state rental costs. Crucitas would reopen one of Costa Rica’s most sensitive mining debates, in a country that has long promoted itself internationally as an environmental leader.
The opening agenda gives Fernández an immediate test of how far she can push her priorities through Congress. The Limón marina, Government City, and Crucitas mining proposal all carry economic appeal for supporters, but each also comes with legal, environmental, or political baggage that could shape the first major battles of her presidency
