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Costa Rican Football Drama: Weekly Liga FPD Roundup

Isaac Roblett
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Costa Rican Football Drama: Weekly Liga FPD Roundup

With just six matchdays of the regular Clausura season remaining, things are really starting to heat up in Costa Rican football. So, we’re kicking off a weekly roundup of all the drama and key moments from the Liga FPD. In the first match of the round on Saturday, seventh place Pérez Zeledón defeated second-bottom San Carlos away from home, thanks to goals from Uruguayan defensive midfielder Joaquín Aguirre (his 14th of the season) and veteran center-back Kevin Fajardo. San Carlos top goal scorer Brian Martínez was also sent off late on to further compound their woes.

Bottom-place Santa Ana (in both the Clausura and aggregate table) and tenth-placed Guanacasteca played out a goalless draw. On Sunday, Deportivo Saprissa secured a vital 1-0 victory away to ninth-placed Sporting San José thanks to an early goal from former Tico stalwart Kendall Waston, which leaves them in fifth position, one spot off the play-offs, joint on points with fourth-placed Cartaginés, who themselves earned a valuable point at Herediano. Los Azules took the lead early in the second half through midfielder Douglas López before loanee defender Diego Mesén scored an own goal with 13 minutes to play to ensure the match ended all square.

The dropped points for Herediano meant that Puntarenas leapt to the top of the league thanks to a 1-1 draw away to Liberia. The home side equalized late on through Mexican Jesús Henestrosa after midfielder Dariel Castrillo put Puntarenas ahead just before half-time.

In Monday’s match, L.D. Alajuelense beat Santos de Guápiles at home thanks to a double from forward Jonathan Moya meaning they sit level on points with Herediano in third, one point behind Puntarenas.

Team of the Week: Liga Deportiva Alajuelense

La Liga eased to a comfortable win over a solid Santos de Guápiles side with a dominant display, keeping a clean sheet and conceding just one shot on their goal, keeping themselves within touching distance of the top spot.

Join us next week for more from the ever-exciting world of Costa Rican top flight football!

Costa Rica Currency Update: Tourism Dip Drives Dollar Surge

Tico Times
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Costa Rica Currency Update: Tourism Dip Drives Dollar Surge

Costa Rica’s exchange rate has defied expectations, climbing steadily after months of stability near ¢500. Two weeks ago, the dollar traded at ¢500.16, but by Monday it reached ¢511.43—a daily rise not recently seen here. Economists warn this shift, driven by declining tourism and U.S. trade policies, could signal tougher times ahead for the colón.

The Central Bank of Costa Rica (BCCR) reported in early 2025 that the colón was appreciating, thanks to robust dollar inflows. Yet, recent Foreign Exchange Market (MONEX) trends suggest otherwise. Two factors stand out: the high tourism season’s end, with a reported 15% drop in visitors this December-February compared to last year, and a trade “shock” from new U.S. tariffs unveiled in March. These measures, possibly a 10% levy on Costa Rican exports, aim to keep capital in the U.S., Costa Rica’s top trading partner.

From March 26 to April 7, the rate rose daily, fueled by weaker dollar inflows from tourism and seasonal exports like pineapples and coffee. Luis Vargas, a researcher at the University of Costa Rica, called it a “slow-cooking” global shift, not a catastrophe, that will gradually depreciate the colón in real terms.

Analysts predict the rate will stabilize between ¢520 and ¢530 by year’s end, dismissing fears of a spike to ¢600 or ¢700. Economist Alberto Franco cautioned that sudden U.S. policy twists—like further tariff hikes—could disrupt this forecast. Meanwhile, the BCCR has stayed silent on countermeasures, despite past interventions like a $17 million dollar purchase in March to curb appreciation.

Businesses here in Costa Rica are feeling the pinch, with importers eyeing price hikes. As of now, no new rate data has emerged, but the trend underscores our country’s ongoing vulnerability to external pressures.

Panama Rescues 11 Children from Religious Sect Abuse in Ngäbe Buglé

Tico Times
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Panama Rescues 11 Children from Religious Sect Abuse in Ngäbe Buglé

Panamanian authorities rescued 11 children from a remote indigenous community in the Ngäbe Buglé region on Tuesday, uncovering what appears to be a disturbing case of abuse linked to a religious sect. The operation, conducted by the National Aeronaval Service (Senan) in Quebrada Satra, a mountainous area over 300 kilometers southwest of the capital, resulted in the detention of five individuals suspected of ties to the group.

According to prosecutor Tagnia Sterling, the children, all minors, were found with visible signs of physical abuse, including wounds on their arms and bruises on their arms and legs. “This is a clear situation of child maltreatment,” Sterling stated during a press briefing. She also hinted at a possible case of sexual abuse, noting that investigations into the children’s “sexual integrity” are underway. The police operation remains active as authorities work to determine the full scope of the incident.

The rescue took place in the rugged Ngäbe Buglé Comarca, a region known for its challenging terrain and limited access to government services. Senan officials described the mission as complex, requiring coordination across difficult landscapes to reach the isolated Quebrada Satra community. The detained suspects, whose identities have not been released, are believed to be part of an unnamed religious sect, though no direct connection has yet been established to previously known groups in the area.

This incident echoes a troubling history of sectarian violence in the Ngäbe Buglé region. In January 2020, the community of El Terrón was shaken by a massacre carried out by members of “La Nueva Luz de Dios” (The New Light of God). During a ritual purportedly aimed at exorcising evil spirits, sect members killed six children and a pregnant woman using machetes and blunt weapons. Nine individuals were later convicted, receiving sentences totaling over 400 years, though Panama’s legal system limits actual imprisonment to 50 years per person.

The 2020 massacre prompted national outrage and calls for stronger oversight of religious groups operating in indigenous areas. However, the recurrence of such incidents suggests that challenges persist. Local advocates point to poverty, isolation, and a lack of government presence as factors enabling fringe sects to exert influence over vulnerable communities.

Authorities have not disclosed the specific beliefs or practices of the sect involved in the Quebrada Satra case, but the discovery has reignited debates about how to protect indigenous populations from exploitation. “We cannot allow these tragedies to keep happening,” said a spokesperson for a Panama-based human rights organization. “The government must act decisively to monitor these groups and support these communities.”

The rescued children are now under the care of social services, receiving medical evaluations and psychological support. Meanwhile, the investigation continues, with officials promising to release more details as they emerge. For the Ngäbe Buglé region, this latest episode serves as a grim reminder of the intersection between faith, isolation, and violence—and the urgent need for solutions.

Costa Rica Retirement Dreams and Realities: A Tale of Tin Roofs and Tough Choices

Don Mateo
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Costa Rica Retirement Dreams and Realities: A Tale of Tin Roofs and Tough Choices

A few days ago, an old friend from the States gave me a call. He’d recently retired, gotten divorced, and was dreaming of a fresh start in Costa Rica. With his budget tight, he figured I’d be the perfect person to guide him—after all, I’ve been thriving here on a shoestring for over 30 years. I was thrilled to help, eager to share my hard-earned wisdom about living well in this tropical paradise. But as our conversation unfolded, it became clear his vision of Costa Rica and mine were worlds apart.

His first question hit me right out of the gate: “Can I bring my car down there?” He was proud of his late-model Jeep Cherokee, but I had to break the news—importing it would slap him with a tax of about 50% of the car’s value. There was a long pause on the line. “Sell it up there,” I suggested. “You’ll have plenty of cash to get started here. In the meantime, the buses can get you around.”

Before I could launch into my enthusiastic spiel about Costa Rica’s fantastic bus system—affordable, reliable, and reaching every corner of the country—he cut me off. “Ride the bus?” His tone dripped with disbelief. “I haven’t ridden a bus since junior high.”

“It’s the most economical way to go,” I assured him.

“Not for me,” he shot back. “The bus is for poor folks. If I sell my car here, I’ll just use the cash to buy one down there.”

“Sure,” I said, “there are plenty of solid options from 2005 to 2010 in your price range.”

“Say what?” he exclaimed. “My 2020 Jeep will only get me something 15 years old down there? Damn, man.”

“Let’s move on for now,” I said, steering the conversation elsewhere. “What else do you want to know?”

“Fast food,” he replied. “I love Wendy’s. Eat there a few times a week.”

“No Wendy’s that I know of,” I admitted. “But we’ve got McDonald’s, Subway, and Pizza Hut. Still, if you’re on a budget, cooking at home is the way to go.”

He wasn’t sold. As we kept talking, he rattled off a list of must-haves for his happiness in a new country. Since he wanted to live near the beach, I mentioned laundry—sand and salt mean frequent washing. I described the typical Tico washing machine: two bins, one for washing, one for spinning. Another silence stretched across the line. “What about dryers?” he asked. I explained that many of us hang clothes on a line to dry in the sun. “A clothesline?!” he sputtered. “What is this, 1950s USA?”

“In some ways, yeah,” I said, especially in rural areas. But he wasn’t here for a time warp—he wanted a Costa Rica that mirrored the comforts of the home he was itching to leave. I moved on to air conditioning, explaining the extra costs involved. He couldn’t fathom surviving daily highs in the 80s and 90s without that constant, cool hum. When I told him I keep doors and windows open, relying on fans, he asked, “What about bugs?” My answer—that the geckos scampering across my ceiling handle the pests—drew a stunned, “Are you serious?”

The hits kept coming. Washing dishes by hand? Audible sigh. The “shock shower” for warm water—basically an electric heating element on the showerhead? More sighs. I could feel his retirement dream fading with every word. Then, as if on cue, a sudden downpour started hammering my tin roof. The clatter drowned out our chat. “Hear that, amigo?” I shouted over the noise. “That’s the rain on my uninsulated tin roof!” It roared so loud I didn’t even notice he’d hung up until the storm passed.

I guess Costa Rica’s charms—geckos, buses, and all—weren’t quite what he had in mind. Sometimes, paradise is in the eye of the beholder.

SANSA Airlines Bolsters Operations with Fleet Expansion, Eyes Tourism Surge

Tico Times
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SANSA Airlines Bolsters Operations with Fleet Expansion, Eyes Tourism Surge

With over 47 years of experience as Costa Rica’s premier domestic airline, SANSA continues to solidify its role as a cornerstone of regional connectivity by adding two new aircraft to its fleet. This expansion brings the airline’s total operational fleet to 12, reinforcing its commitment to linking the country’s diverse landscapes and fostering tourism and mobility both domestically and internationally.

The new additions, identified as Cessna 208B Grand Caravan EX aircraft, arrived at Juan Santamaría International Airport (SJO) on April 7, 2025, welcomed with a ceremonial water arch. Registered as TI-BME and TI-BMF, these aircraft each boast a capacity for up to 14 passengers and are designed to operate on both paved and unpaved runways as short as 600 meters. This versatility enhances SANSA’s ability to serve remote destinations, a key factor in its network of 12 domestic routes—including popular spots like Quepos, Tamarindo, and Puerto Jiménez—and two international destinations: Managua, Nicaragua, and Bocas del Toro, Panama.

“We are proud to announce the addition of two new aircraft to our fleet,” said Mario Zamora, General Manager of SANSA. “This growth not only strengthens our operational capacity but also reaffirms our dedication to providing efficient, safe, and punctual air service to all our passengers.”

The fleet expansion, first announced earlier this year, comes on the heels of SANSA’s strategic efforts to meet rising demand in Costa Rica’s domestic market. According to aviation data platform Cirium, the aircraft were expected to arrive in June 2025 to align with the high summer season. However, their earlier delivery this month marks an accelerated timeline, positioning SANSA to enhance flight frequencies and coverage sooner than anticipated. Posts on X from April 7 and 8, 2025, captured the excitement of their arrival, with local aviation enthusiasts noting the aircraft’s journey from Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Mexico, to San José.

Founded in 1978, SANSA has long been a pillar of Costa Rica’s aviation infrastructure, evolving from its origins under the LACSA umbrella to its current ownership by Regional Airlines Holding LLC since 2019. The airline’s focus on safety and reliability has earned it a strong reputation, even amidst competition from newer players like Costa Rica Green Airways and Skyway Costa Rica.

“This investment represents our firm commitment to the country, our employees, and the communities we serve,” said Julio Caballero, SANSA’s Chief Executive Officer. “The arrival of these two Cessna Caravans marks a new chapter for SANSA, reflecting our passion for connecting Costa Rica with the highest standards of safety and service.”

The expansion underscores SANSA’s leadership in regional aviation, a sector vital to Costa Rica’s tourism-driven economy. With an increased fleet, the airline aims to improve access to key tourist hubs and remote areas alike, supporting national development and international connectivity. “SANSA has been part of Costa Rica’s growth for nearly five decades, and we look to the future with enthusiasm and determination,” Zamora added.

As SANSA continues to modernize and grow, this latest milestone reaffirms its mission to bridge Costa Rica’s urban centers, coastal resorts, and rural communities, all while maintaining its legacy as the nation’s most established domestic carrier.

Panama Canal Under U.S. Protection—No to Chinese Interference, Says Hegseth

AFP
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Panama Canal Under U.S. Protection—No to Chinese Interference, Says Hegseth

The United States will not allow China to jeopardize the operations of the Panama Canal, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth warned during a visit to the Central American nation on Tuesday. Hegseth is the second senior US official to visit Panama since President Donald Trump took office in January vowing to “take back” the US-built canal to counter what he sees as China’s disproportionate influence over the waterway.

“Today, the Panama Canal faces ongoing threats,” Hegseth said in a speech at a police station located at the entry to the shipping route. “The United States of America will not allow communist China or any other country to threaten the canal’s operation or integrity,” he added.

The United States built the more than century-old canal and handed it over to Panama in 1999. A Hong Kong company called Panama Ports operates two ports at either end of the canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific, through which five percent of all global shipping passes.

Wonder of the world

The Trump administration has put immense pressure on Panama to reduce Chinese influence on the canal, which Washington sees as a threat to US national security. “I want to be very clear. China did not build this canal. China does not operate this canal. And China will not weaponize this canal,” Hegseth said, calling it a “wonder of the world.”

Speaking alongside Panama’s President Jose Raul Molino, Hegseth said the US and Panama together would “take back the Panama Canal from China’s influence” and keep it open to all nations, using the “deterrent power of the strongest, most effective and most lethal fighting force in the world.”

He claimed that China’s control of critical infrastructure in the canal area gave Beijing the power to conduct spying activities across Panama, making Panama and the United States “less secure, less prosperous and less sovereign.” The Panama Ports concession to operate Balboa port on the Pacific side of the canal and Cristobal port on the Atlantic side was first granted in 1997 and renewed for another 25 years in 2021.

But faced with Trump’s repeated threats to seize the canal, Panama has put pressure on CK Hutchison, the parent company of Panama Ports, to pull out of the country. In January, it began an audit of Panama Ports to determine if it was honoring its concession contract.

On the eve of Hegseth’s visit Panama’s comptroller announced that the audit had revealed “many breaches” of the contract and said Panama did not receive $1.2 billion it was owed from the operator. In March, CK Hutchison announced an agreement to sell 43 ports in 23 countries — including its two on canal — to a group led by giant US asset manager BlackRock for $19 billion in cash.

A furious Beijing has since announced a antitrust review of the deal, which likely prevented the parties from signing an agreement on April 2 as had been planned. Hegseth’s visit to Panama comes two months after that of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Shortly after that visit Panama announced it was pulling out of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s landmark global infrastructure program, the Belt and Road Initiative.

Hegseth praised the move, saying it showed Panama understanding of “the threat it poses,” alluding to China. Around 200 people staged a protest in Panama City over Hegseth’s visit. “Trump, get your hands of Panama,” read a banner waved by one of the demonstrators, who burned a US flag.

Costa Rica Pulls Out of UN 2030 Agenda, Shocks Environmentalists

Tico Times
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Costa Rica Pulls Out of UN 2030 Agenda, Shocks Environmentalists

President Rodrigo Chaves has withdrawn Costa Rica’s support for the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda, stripping institutional funding and public interest status from the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), according to an extraordinary decree published in the official gazette on April 2, 2025. The move, if enacted, would mark a dramatic shift for a nation long hailed as a global leader in sustainability.

The 2030 Agenda, adopted by UN member states in 2015, aims to eradicate poverty, combat climate change, and ensure human rights by 2030. Costa Rica’s past alignment with these goals—evident in its renewable energy achievements and biodiversity protections—makes this decision a potential turning point.

Environmental group Bloque Verde condemned the withdrawal, calling it an “ecocidal policy” that undermines Costa Rica’s credibility. With the country set to co-host the Third UN Conference on the Ocean in June 2025, the group questioned, “With what legitimacy can the government lead a summit rooted in SDG 14, which protects marine life?” They cited recent controversies—such as a shark fin transfer scandal, weakened oversight in the Gandoca-Manzanillo Refuge, and raised pesticide limits in drinking water—as evidence of environmental backsliding under Chaves.

The decision could ripple internationally, dimming Costa Rica’s image as an ecological pioneer and jeopardizing cooperation projects tied to the SDGs. A UN official, speaking anonymously, expressed “deep concern” about the timing, given the ocean summit’s reliance on global unity.

Chaves’s administration has not detailed its reasoning, though analysts speculate budget constraints or a push for national sovereignty may be factors. Opposition leaders have yet to respond formally, but public debate is intensifying. Bloque Verde urged the government to reverse course, pleading, “Protect our forests, rivers, and people—only then can we defend our oceans.

Scholarship in Tailoring Saves Guatemalan Mother from Risky Emigration

AFP
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Scholarship in Tailoring Saves Guatemalan Mother from Risky Emigration

Overwhelmed by poverty, Francisca Lares thought about emigrating from Guatemala. However, she learned tailoring and discarded that idea. Now she is glad she didn’t go to the United States, as she believes she would have been deported by the government of Donald Trump.

This 30-year-old single mother learned her craft at the “Quédate” (Stay) training center, which is designed to help young Guatemalans find employment or start their own businesses, encouraging them to forgo emigration. “One starts to think (…) what if I had left and then got deported, and with the debt I’d have (owed to the migrant traffickers), how am I going to pay it?” reflects Lares, dressed in a colorful K’iche’ Maya outfit in the indigenous municipality of Joyabaj, in western Guatemala.

According to an official from the training center, migrant traffickers or “coyotes” charge nearly 20,000 dollars to take a person from this impoverished area, surrounded by hills in the department of Quiché, to the United States. Thanks to a scholarship, Lares learned tailoring and now makes huipiles (Maya blouses), which she sells in a small shop at her home in the village of Estanzuela. She also offers them on social media and has even sent some garments to the United States.

“Thank God the scholarship came into my life (…) that is what made me stay here and say: I can get ahead,” the woman said.

Let’s Spare Ourselves the Suffering

Before receiving training, Lares earned 75 dollars a month making hand-woven fabrics, barely making it to the end of the month. Now she manages to cover her needs and those of her two daughters, aged 5 and 9, without major difficulties, although she did not disclose her current income.

Lares advises against the dangers of emigrating: “Some people die” during the journey, she recalls. “Let’s spare our families the suffering,” she says amid the sewing machines at the training center. Poverty is one of the main drivers of emigration in Guatemala and affects 56% of the country’s 18 million inhabitants, according to official figures, although the percentage is even higher in indigenous villages.

For this reason, many attempt to leave for the United States, where 3.2 million Guatemalans are settled, hundreds of thousands of them irregularly, according to the Central American country’s government. The remittances that migrants send to their families play a significant role in Guatemala’s economy: they amounted to 21.51 billion dollars in 2024, nearly 20% of the GDP.

Better to Stay

The training program was implemented in 2021 by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). In Joyabaj, classes are held at the “Quédate” center, run by the Guatemalan presidency, and deported young people also participate.

Japan donated four million dollars to construct and equip a new building, inaugurated in January, where students learn tailoring, baking, barbering, computer repair, and other trades that hold potential for employment or entrepreneurship, according to the IOM.

Pedro Miranda, the director of the Joyabaj training center, explained that the goal for 2025 is to train more than 600 young people. “Our people who migrate sometimes spend between 100,000 to 150,000 quetzals (12,500 to 18,750 dollars) paying a guide or ‘coyote’,” Miranda told AFP. “Why don’t they invest that money?” he wonders, suggesting it could be better spent in Guatemala.

“Now, because of the news in the United States, people in Joyabaj are waiting (to see) what will happen (…). They don’t want to take the risk also because they know that if they go, there is a 90% probability that they will be deported back to their country,” he adds. Similar centers exist in Huehuetenango and Sololá, also in western Guatemala.

Better to Stay

Marleny Tiño, originally from the municipality of Zacualpa, also considered emigrating. However, it was her husband who eventually left, and he now lives in Florida “in fear” of being deported, recounts the 25-year-old woman who also makes huipiles. “I tell him: my love, don’t be sad there. Any day now (…), God forbid, but if they catch you, you come back,” Tiño says at the sewing workshop.

“It’s better to stay here than risk your life going there and then just upon arrival get deported,” adds this mother of two children, aged 5 and 10, who runs her business from her home in the Tunajá community. Last year, according to the government of the Central American country, the United States deported 61,680 Guatemalans.

Costa Rica’s Guanacaste Airport to Limit Operations Starting June 2025

Tico Times
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Costa Rica’s Guanacaste Airport to Limit Operations Starting June 2025


Beginning June 1, 2025, Daniel Oduber Quirós International Airport in Liberia will scale back its operations from 18 to 12 hours per day, a restriction set to last four months until September 30, 2025, according to a notification from Costa Rica’s Civil Aviation Directorate. The measure, aimed at addressing staffing shortages in the control tower and radar systems, has sparked concerns about its impact on Guanacaste’s vital tourism sector.

Air traffic services will proceed as usual during the high season, maintaining a 9 p.m. closing time until May 31, 2025, with no changes to flights already approved by the Civil Aviation Technical Council (CETAC) or scheduled by airlines. However, once the reduction takes effect, local media estimate it could result in $627,000 in losses from the cancellation of 111 flights between June and September. The notification, dated October 3, 2025, was issued by Deputy Director of Civil Aviation Luis Miranda to Andrea Jiménez, president of the airport’s Operations Committee.

Miranda justified the decision, stating, “This adjustment is necessary to ensure personnel availability and uphold service quality standards.” He added that Civil Aviation is exploring alternatives—such as hiring additional controllers or adjusting shift schedules—to avoid deeper cuts and mitigate economic fallout. Specifics on the 12-hour operating window remain undisclosed, though updates are anticipated closer to June.

The airport, a main entry point to Guanacaste’s popular beaches and resorts, has long been a cornerstone of Costa Rica’s tourism industry, which generates thousands of jobs and millions in revenue. Recent years have tested its resilience, with runway repairs in November 2024 and a staffing crisis in December disrupting operations. A further reduction in hours could limit flight options, discourage airline routes, and lower hotel occupancy, tour bookings, and local commerce.

Tourism leaders are sounding alarms. “This could derail our recovery from recent setbacks,” said Martí Rojas, a spokesperson for the Guanacaste Chamber of Tourism. “Airlines need reliability to keep us on their schedules.” Hoteliers echoed this, noting that June marks the start of the green season, when international visitors still bolster the area’s economy despite seasonal rains.

Civil Aviation insists the measure is temporary, but without swift solutions, Guanacaste’s tourism lifeline faces a turbulent few months ahead.

Costa Rica AG Seeks to Lift Chaves Immunity in Contract Scandal

Tico Times
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Costa Rica AG Seeks to Lift Chaves Immunity in Contract Scandal

Costa Rica’s Attorney General, Carlo Díaz, filed a formal accusation on Monday morning before the Supreme Court of Justice, charging President Rodrigo Chaves with concusión—a crime akin to abuse of public office for personal gain—and requesting the suspension of his presidential immunity. The move marks a significant escalation in a high-profile investigation into alleged corruption tied to a government contract.

The case revolves around a $405,000 contract for communication and social media monitoring services for the Presidential House, funded by a donation from the Central American Bank for Economic Integration (CABEI). The contract was awarded to RMC La Productora S.A., a company owned by audiovisual producer Christian Bulgarelli, in 2022.

According to the Attorney General’s Office, the contract was “apparently tailor-made” to favor RMC La Productora S.A., intended to provide communication, marketing, strategic consulting, message production, and opinion trend analysis services for the Presidency from 2022 to 2026. Prosecutors allege that government officials, including Chaves and Culture Minister Jorge Rodríguez—who previously served as the president’s chief of staff—held multiple meetings at the Presidential House with Bulgarelli before the contract was awarded. During these meetings, Bulgarelli was allegedly instructed to draft the contract’s terms of reference himself, ensuring his company’s selection.

The indictment further claims that Chaves and Rodríguez induced Bulgarelli to divert $32,000 from the CABEI-funded contract to Federico “Choreco” Cruz, a former campaign advisor and close friend of the president. Cruz, who is under a separate criminal investigation, reportedly used the funds to purchase a house. If convicted, Chaves and Rodríguez face potential prison sentences of two to eight years under Costa Rican law, which defines concusión as a public official abusing their authority to unlawfully demand or accept benefits.

Bulgarelli has emerged as a pivotal figure in the case, agreeing to cooperate with prosecutors under a legal mechanism known as “criterio de oportunidad.” This arrangement suspends criminal action against him in exchange for testimony to clarify the alleged scheme and implicate the accused. The Attorney General’s Office warned, however, that if Bulgarelli’s cooperation falls short, prosecution in his separate case (25-000043-0033-PE) will resume.

The Supreme Court will now review Díaz’s accusation and decide whether to refer the matter to the Legislative Assembly, which holds the power to lift Chaves’s immunity. No timeline for this decision has been specified, but the outcome could pave the way for an unprecedented trial of a sitting Costa Rican president.

Neither Chaves nor Rodríguez has issued an official response to the charges as of Monday afternoon. The allegations have intensified scrutiny of Chaves’s administration, already marked by controversies over campaign financing and clashes with judicial authorities.

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